A crise da "filosofia e sociologia" nasceu no bojo delas: A academia sempre se viu num embate com a ignorância e, frequentemente, com ideologias. A novidade é que além desses dois adversários perenes ela confronta-se hoje com a confusão conceitual e mental de muitos dos seus membros. Essa confusão faz da história das ideias um pot-pourri de “narrativas” que competem entre si sem o mínimo de critério. Com forte viés anti-civilizatório, pois aposta na libertação do Id em detrimento de prescrições morais, abdica do discurso racional, nega qualquer possibilidade de uma aproximação à verdade, e enterra de vez aquilo que costumamos chamar realidade.
quinta-feira, 2 de maio de 2019
quarta-feira, 1 de maio de 2019
Corte de verbas para as federais
Após críticas à decisão de contingenciar UnB, UFF e UFBA por supostamente promoverem "balbúrdia" e terem baixo desempenho acadêmico, Ministério da Educação estende bloqueio de orçamento a todas as instituições federais.
Corrida de armas
Global military spending today is 76% higher than in 1998, when the world was enjoying its “peace dividend”, according to a new report
Murray Rothbard
“TWENTY YEARS AGO I was an extreme right-wing Republican, a young and lone "Neanderthal" (as the “liberals” used to call us) who believed, as one friend pungently put it, that "Senator Taft had sold out to the socialists." Today, I am most likely to be called an extreme leftist, since I favor immediate withdrawal from Vietnam, denounce U.S. imperialism, advocate Black Power and have just joined the new Peace and Freedom Party. And yet my basic political views have not changed by a single iota in these two decades!
“It is obvious that something is very wrong with the old labels, with the categories of "left" and "right," and with the ways in which we customarily apply these categories to American political life. My personal odyssey is unimportant; the important point is that if I can move from "extreme right" to "extreme left" merely by standing in one place, drastic though unrecognized changes must have taken place throughout the American political spectrum over the last generation.
“I joined the right-wing movement—to give a formal name to a very loose and informal set of associations—as a young graduate student shortly after the end of World War II. There was no question as to where the intellectual right of that day stood on militarism and conscription: it opposed them as instruments of mass slavery and mass murder. Conscription, indeed, was thought far worse than other forms of statist controls and incursions, for while these only appropriated part of the individual's property, the draft, like slavery, took his most precious possession: his own person. Day after day the veteran publicist John T. Flynn—once praised as a liberal and then condemned as a reactionary, with little or no change in his views—inveighed implacably in print and over the radio against militarism and the draft. Even the Wall Street newspaper, the Commercial and Financial Chronicle, published a lengthy attack on the idea of conscription.
“All of our political positions, from the free market in economics to opposing war and militarism, stemmed from our root belief in individual liberty and our opposition to the state. Simplistically, we adopted the standard view of the political spectrum: "left" meant socialism, or total power of the state; the further "right" one went the less government one favored. Hence, we called ourselves "extreme rightists."
“Originally, our historical heroes were such men as Jefferson, Paine, Cobden, Bright and Spencer; but as our views became purer and more consistent, we eagerly embraced such near-anarchists as the voluntarist, Auberon Herbert, and the American individualist-anarchists, Lysander Spooner and Benjamin R. Tucker. One of our great intellectual heroes was Henry David Thoreau, and his essay, "Civil Disobedience," was one of our guiding stars. Right-wing theorist Frank Chodorov devoted an entire issue of his monthly, Analysis, to an appreciation of Thoreau.l
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